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Get Free Ebook More Than a Doctrine: The Eisenhower Era in the Middle East

Get Free Ebook More Than a Doctrine: The Eisenhower Era in the Middle East

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More Than a Doctrine: The Eisenhower Era in the Middle East

More Than a Doctrine: The Eisenhower Era in the Middle East


More Than a Doctrine: The Eisenhower Era in the Middle East


Get Free Ebook More Than a Doctrine: The Eisenhower Era in the Middle East

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More Than a Doctrine: The Eisenhower Era in the Middle East

Review

"[A] thought-provoking and radical book that explores an explosive subject that is as relevant today as it was in 1957. Thoroughly researched, so that it includes some once top-secret materials that probably have had few eyes laid on them to-date."—Anna Faktorovich, Pennsylvania Literary Journal (Anna Faktorovich Pennsylvania Literary Journal)"The Eisenhower Doctrine has long since faded from memory, and yet the doctrine and the rhetoric that accompanied it marked an important turning point in America’s approach to the Middle East. Even after the collapse of the Soviet Union, or ‘international communism’ as Eisenhower would have it, the doctrine remains relevant. It was the first full enunciation of interests—support for conservative allies, and ensuring that the region’s oil reached the global market—that continue to define much of Washington’s priorities."—Survival: Global Politics and Strategy (Survival: Global Politics and Strategy)“Randall Fowler’s timely and provocative book addresses an important and enduring question: How did Americans come to see the Middle East as an area of vital U.S. interest? . . . Grounded in the most important case studies of the 1950s, More Than a Doctrine illuminates the long-term significance of this critical turning point in American globalism, which set the stage for decades of regional entanglement.”—Kenneth Osgood, author of Total Cold War: Eisenhower’s Secret Propaganda Battle at Home and Abroad   (Kenneth Osgood 2017-09-16)“Deeply researched and cogently argued. . . . This study could not come at a more appropriate time.”—Jerry M. Long, associate professor in the Honors College and director of Middle East Studies at Baylor University and author of Saddam’s War of Words: Politics, Religion, and the Iraqi Invasion of Kuwait   (Jerry M. Long 2017-09-16)“Fowler reveals the ways that future presidents were heirs of Eisenhower’s political precedents and rhetorical warrants that normalized U.S. interventionism as its dominant foreign policy in this war-torn region of the world.”—Shawn J. Parry-Giles, professor of communication at the University of Maryland and author of The Rhetorical Presidency, Propaganda, and the Cold War, 1945–1955 (Shawn J. Parry-Giles 2017-09-16)

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About the Author

Randall Fowler teaches rhetoric at the University of Maryland, College Park. He previously taught at Baylor University and at Jordan Applied University in Amman as a Fulbright instructor. Martin J. Medhurst is Distinguished Professor of Rhetoric and Communication and professor of political science at Baylor University. He is the founding editor of the journal Rhetoric and Public Affairs.    

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Product details

Hardcover: 272 pages

Publisher: Potomac Books (May 1, 2018)

Language: English

ISBN-10: 1612349978

ISBN-13: 978-1612349978

Product Dimensions:

6.2 x 1.2 x 9.2 inches

Shipping Weight: 1.2 pounds (View shipping rates and policies)

Average Customer Review:

5.0 out of 5 stars

1 customer review

Amazon Best Sellers Rank:

#1,211,063 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)

A study of the January 5, 1957 Eisenhower Doctrine Address that established America as the region’s “protector of freedom” against Communist aggression. This doctrine was an early sign of Cold War hysteria, and the fears behind it continue to influence world politics to this day. Hence, this is an important examination of what led President Dwight D. Eisenhower to make this declaration and how it has changed world affairs since. At the end of the book, Randall Fowler gives examples of similarities between Eisenhower’s original 1957 speech and speeches on related topics from John F. Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan, and George H. W. Bush, or pretty much every president since. The repetition of rhetoric from a bygone era in later American presidential speeches is very common. Frequently, later politicians ask technical writers to write up speeches for them on the usually relevant topics, and these writers return to classic speeches for inspiration. If a writer goes off-script and proposes something new, there is a chance it might become a new classically repeated speech or it might bomb and be ridiculed across the media for its untested, youthful radicalism. So, repeating a speech from the Cold War error is a safer bet despite world politics having moved on from those times. Eisenhower’s goal at the time was that “aggression, direct or indirect, must be checked before it gathered sufficient momentum to destroy us all…” (167). But the intricacies of this statement have been lost, as recently America has been entering wars in the Middle East where an aggressor’s threat is not only indirect but might be non-existent (as with the Iraq nuclear weapons fiasco). America has become the aggressive threat in a region that is as fragile politically and theologically as any in the world. Instead of putting an end to wars, America is now starting them, and politicians are blaming Eisenhower for the theory that guides these decisions. Clearly, this book is very much needed today so that speech writers and politicians can understand this background and perhaps be inspired to make sounder decisions in the future. Here is a curious explanation from this book that shows its value: “In terms of rhetoric the Eisenhower administration, rather than engage publicly in an attempt to bring about an Arab-Israeli peace, largely dealt in an economy of secrecy: it sent surrogates on covert missions and plotted with the British to force a settlement on (at least) two sovereign nations” (99). Why would the US benefit from forcing settlements on Arabs or Israelis, and more importantly, why would Arabs or Israelis want the US deciding who should settle where in their contested regions? In most other parts of the world land disputes are eventually settled, but Israel and Palestine have not come to an agreement after a century of negotiations. If US’s intervention is meant to assist this process, it has not worked, and it’s perhaps time for the US to step aside and for the affected sides to sit back at the table and decide on the matter without intervention. Why are the British stuck in the middle of this too? The answers to these types of questions are in this book, so it is an important piece of scholarship for anybody who wants these answers.Thought-provoking and radical book that explores an explosive subject that is as relevant today as it was in 1957. Thoroughly researched, so that it includes some once top-secret materials that probably have had few eyes laid on them to-date. A great find for any library collection that serves young and old scholars alike.Pennsylvania Literary Journal: Spring 2018 Reviews: Anaphora Literary Press

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